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Ghetto Letto

Within living memory, this town had three grocery stores, a Western Auto and a Napa Auto Parts, a feed store, a lumber store, a clothing shop, a Chrysler dealership, a used-car dealership, a skating rink — even a discotheque, back in the s.

Today there is one grocery store, and the rest is as dead as disco. If you want a newsstand or a dinner at Applebee's, gas up the car.

Amazon may help, but delivery can be tricky — the nearest UPS drop-box is 17 miles away, the nearest FedEx office 34 miles away.

It's not like this was a company town in which the business around which life was organized went toes-up. Booneville and Owsley County were never economic powerhouses.

They were sustained for a time in part by a nearby Midsouth plant, which manufactured consumer electronics such as steam irons and toaster ovens, as well as industrial supplies such as refrigerator parts.

A former employee estimates that a majority of Owsley County households owed part of their income to Midsouth at one time or another, until a mishap in the sanding room put an end to that: "Those shavings are just like coal dust," he says.

But Owsley County was poor before, during, and after that period. Coal mining was for years a bulwark against utter economic ruination, but regulation, a lengthy permitting process, and other factors both economic and geological pushed what remains of the region's coal business away toward other communities.

I don't think much of that overheard remark at the time, but it turns out that the local economy runs on black-market soda the way Baghdad ran on contraband crude during the days of sanctions.

On the day when accounts are credited, local establishments accepting EBT cardsare swamped with locals using their public benefits to buy cases and cases — reports put the number at 30 to 40 cases for some buyers — of soda.

There's not much violent crime here. There's a bit of the usual enterprise one finds everywhere there are drugs and poor people, which is to say, everywhere.

But even the crime here is pretty well predictable. The police chief's assistant notes that if they know the nature and location of a particular crime, they can more or less drive straight to the perpetrator.

There's a great deal of drug use, welfare fraud, and the like, but the overall crime rate throughout Appalachia is about two thirds the national average, and the rate of violent crime is half the national average.

Booneville Police Chief Johnny Logsdon is justifiably skeptical of the area's reputation for drug-fueled crime. But he is not blinkered. However, the downside is that a good service costs money.

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In fact, the reality of voting dynamics among the white poor is much more complicated than "common sense" would suggest. Poor people of all colors are much more likely to support the Democratic Party.

The white "working class" that both parties chase--and that the Republicans have more often than not won over in recent elections--is comprised of relatively well to do white men in the skilled trades.

The shift in voting patterns in Red State America from the Democrats to Republicans is not with the white poor in mass, but rather among more upper and lower middle class voters who are drunk on Christian Dominionist and Evangelical "social" and "culture war" issues.

The empirical data suggests that the above dynamics are driving the macro-political story. However, the micro-level story, the one Democrats like to tell each other, suggests otherwise.

Stereotypes are cognitive scripts and cues that serve as shortcuts to aid human beings' decision-making. Yet, the "pictures inside our heads" are often inaccurate because they do not capture individual complexity.

Stereotypes also make political decision-making more efficient while simultaneously encouraging deleterious and short-sighted outcomes that do not serve the Common Good.

In all, stereotypes are a type of "fuzzy" heuristic. From the s to the present, Republicans and their neoliberal Democrat allies have circulated a set of powerful stereotypes about poor and underclass Americans.

For them, the poor are black and brown, lazy, useless eaters, possessed of bad culture, and perhaps even, defunct genes.

When confronted by the "bad culture" of the white rural poor, many of the National Review's commenters tried to fit those poor whites into a box they have constructed around the black urban poor.

There is metaphorical steam coming out of the ears of some of the National Review's readers as they cannot process Kevin Williamson's story while reconciling it with their stereotypes about people of color.

In the most compelling comments on "The White Ghetto" essay, some readers even try to suggest that the denizens of Appalachia are actually free and empowered because they have guns--jobs and food be damned as the fruits of basic citizenship and membership in the polity.

Other commenters apply mental gymnastics as they reconcile their right-wing ideology with the fact of the white poor, and try to rationalize how the latter are somehow fundamentally different--and better--than poor people of color.

The White Ghetto is, using one of my favorite phrases, a human zoo. The material realities of the people who live in the poorest parts of Appalachia are not funny: the conditions are pathetic and miserable.

My sense of empathy remains limited.

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